Administration building of Swaziland's main prison in Matsapha

JOHANNESBURG, 29 September 2009 (IRIN) - Global rights group Amnesty International has denounced the use of excessive force by Swaziland's correctional services officers against journalists and political activists after a demonstration at one of the main country's prisons turned violent.

The attack on 21 September by prison security guards at Matsapha Central Prison, a maximum security facility 25km east of the capital, Mbabane, occurred shortly after Mario Masuku, head of the banned opposition People's United Democratic Movement, was acquitted of terrorism charges.

"The security officers reacted aggressively to the presence at the prison gate of some 50 noisy but peaceful, unarmed supporters awaiting Mario Masuku's release from the prison ... Without any official warning to disperse, security officers charged into the group at the gate," said a statement by Amnesty.

A number of leading political activists were allegedly assaulted, and the officers "demanded that the journalists stop filming and photographing - the actions were violations of the rights to freedom of expression, peaceful assembly and information," the statement noted.

The international rights group has urged the government of Swaziland to institute a judicially led public inquiry into the attack.


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Members of the Al-shabab: Tension is rising in Kismayo following fears of impending fighting between the Islamist group and Hisbul-Islam (file photo)

NAIROBI, 29 September 2009 (IRIN) - Tension is rising in Somalia's southern coastal city of Kismayo following fears of impending fighting between Islamist groups Al-Shabab and Hisbul-Islam due to a split within their ranks, local sources told IRIN.

The two groups control Kismayo, 500km south of the capital Mogadishu, and much of the country's southern regions.

The tension follows a decision by Al-Shabab to ignore an earlier agreement between the two that control of the city would rotate between them, a businessman resident in Kismayo, who requested anonymity, said.

"When they [Islamists] captured Kismayo in 2008, they agreed that Al-Shabab will govern for the first six months and then Hisbul-Islam will take over, but Al-Shabab now refuses to honour that agreement," he said.

He said both sides had brought troop reinforcements into the city. Al-Shabab was reported to be digging in on the southern side of the city while Hisbul-Islam had set up defensive positions in the north.

Some residents have started fleeing their homes to safe areas because of the tension.

Contacted by IRIN Radio, Sheikh Ahmed Sheikh Mohamed of Hisbul-Islam admitted there was a problem between the two groups but said talks were ongoing to resolve the differences.

"Elders and professionals are mediating and I am hopeful we will find a solution."

However, he said people's fears were justified given the current situation, "but the opposing sides should resolve their differences by peaceful means and not through violence. A solution is to form a unified administration that brings all on board."

Attempts by IRIN to contact Al-Shabab were unsuccessful.

Mahamud Abaysane, an internally displaced person (IDP) in Kismayo, said: "Many people have already moved to the outskirts of the city to avoid being caught in the middle."

Among those leaving the city were many displaced families. "Hundreds of families have left the camps since Sunday," he said.

The families are said to be going to the north of the city and towards Mogadishu. "They really don’t know where they are going but they want to be out before fighting starts here," Abaysane added.

He said many IDPs had very little to begin with "and now they are on the run again".

Cut off from aid

Abaysane said since the Islamists had taken control of the city, there had been little help from aid agencies. "We are cut off from all assistance," he added.

Another business source told IRIN that people in Kismayo expected fighting to start at any time.

"There are no serious mediations going on and both sides are sticking to their positions," he said. "Unless by some miracle there is a breakthrough, I really don’t see how they can avoid war."

He said a meeting between the two sides had been held but "nothing was achieved".

Business in the city was at a standstill, "with many merchants removing their wares quietly", while the business community was "hoping and praying that the two sides will find a common ground to avoid violence", he added.

At the heart of the matter is a power struggle between the two Islamist groups that have been fighting the government, said another source. "As a partner, Hisbul-Islam feels they have been marginalized by Al-Shabab and I think they have now decided that enough is enough."

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Pro-government troops patrol the streets in southern Mogadishu, as violence intensifies in Somalia.

Somalia's most powerful militant group, al-Shabaab, has reportedly executed two alleged CIA agents in the country's restive capital, Mogadishu.

The group, which has publicly announced its loyalty to al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden, issued the execution order after finding the two men guilty of spying for the United States.

According to witnesses, however, the two men were shot dead early on Monday in al-Shabaab's Maslah camp in northern Mogadishu.

The development comes as government troops recaptured the strategic central town of Beledweyne, some 332 kilometers (206 miles) north of the capital.

Heavy Fighting erupted early on Monday after Somali soldiers carried out a pre-dawn attack on the town's western wing, forcing rebels loyal to another influential militant group called Hizbul Islam to evacuate their bases.

The number of casualties remain unclear, with some sources saying as many as 15 people, most of them militants, were killed in the attack.

Meanwhile, the beleaguered capital was the scene of more fighting, where at least 10 people were killed and 18 others injured, following fierce clashes between African Union troops and rebel forces.

Several artillery shells fired from both sides also slammed into residential areas, claiming an unknown number of civilian lives.

Rebel groups are fighting to overthrow a fragile western-backed transitional government in the Horn of Africa nation.

Violence has intensified in Somalia since an inland US operation angered the rebels, who have ever since vowed to retaliate with more attacks.

The US claims that the air strike had killed an alleged operative working for al-Qaeda.

Somalia has been marred by two decades of civil strife following the ouster of former dictator Mohammad Siad Bare in 1991.

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NAIROBI, 29 September 2009 (IRIN) - The continued degradation of the Mau complex - Kenya's largest water catchment area - threatening everything from the spectacular annual migration of the wildebeest to pastoralism, agriculture and hydro-power generation, has dominated public debate for the better part of 2009. The government’s plan to evict the illegal settlers has added to the controversy.

The threat posed by the continued depletion of the Mau complex ties in with the increasing concerns, on a global level, over loss of bio-diversity, increased carbon dioxide emissions as a result of forest cover loss, and poor soil and water resources.

However, while climate change could be a major contributor to the current crisis in the Mau complex, the destruction of the forests has reduced the ability of the Mau eco-system to absorb or reduce the impact of climate change, increasing the vulnerability of the people to changing weather patterns.

We look at some of the issues surrounding the country's largest closed-canopy forest eco-system:

Where is the Mau Complex?

Mainly in the Rift Valley Province, the Mau is one of the country's five major water towers; it forms the upper catchment of the main rivers west of the province. The rivers are: Njoro and Makalia (these drain into Lake Nakuru), Sondu, Yala, Nzoia and Nyando (draining into Lake Victoria) and the Ewaso Nyiro, Kerio and Mara rivers.

The complex supplies water to many lakes in the Rift Valley, from Lake Turkana in the northwest to Lake Natron in neighbouring Tanzania - the only regular breeding site for millions of flamingos.

Historically, it is home to a minority group of indigenous forest dwellers, the Ogiek.

What is the size of the Mau complex?

It covers at least 400,000ha - as large as the forests of the Aberdares and Mt Kenya combined.

Over the past two decades, the complex has lost at least 107,000ha of forest cover due to irregular and unplanned settlements, logging and charcoal burning, as well as increased agriculture.

What is at stake if degradation of the complex continues?

The importance of the complex lies in the eco-system service it provides to the country and East Africa as a whole, including river flow regulation, flood mitigation, water storage, reduced soil erosion, bio-diversity, carbon sequestration, carbon reservoir and micro-climate regulation.

The area contributes to the water supply to urban areas and supports the livelihood of millions of people in rural areas but the widespread irregular and poorly planned settlement and illegal forest resource extraction have affected the ecosystem, from water supply for commercial and domestic use to hydro-electric power generation, tourism and agriculture.

Moreover, experts have warned that continued destruction of the complex will lead to a water crisis that could extend beyond the country's borders.

According to a September 2009 report by the government's Interim Coordinating Secretariat for the Mau Forest Complex on the rehabilitation of the Mau Forest Ecosystem, if encroachment and unsustainable exploitation of the eco-system continue, damage could be irreversible, with serious ecological consequences and ramifications for internal security.

When did degradation of the complex begin?

Originally divided into 22 blocks, the real devastation of the complex began in 1997 when the government allocated large plots of land to individuals in what was seen as a political bid to win votes during the general elections that year. The present government has said all land allocations in the late 1990s are illegal and wants to evict the occupants.

What is controversial about the Mau?

The government and conservationists agree that quick action needs to be taken to stop the continued destruction of the complex but Rift Valley politicians are divided over the eviction of those deemed to be illegally settled in the complex. Sections of government want the Mau settlers evicted without compensation while most MPs from the province insist they must be fully compensated.

Already, cases of intimidation have been reported in areas surrounding the forest while conflict over water points, pasture and land has been on the rise in recent months.

How many people would be affected by the government's planned evictions?

An estimated 50,000 people are expected to be moved out of the forest once the government begins to execute its plan to save the area. Humanitarian agencies estimate up to 500,000 people could be displaced should violence follow.

Already, there are reports of communities living in the Mau arming them

What is being done to save the complex?

On 9 September 2009, the UN Environment Programme and Kenyan government launched a US$400 million appeal to save the complex, aimed at raising funds for its rehabilitation.

"The Mau complex is of critical importance for sustaining current and future ecological, social and economic development in Kenya. The rehabilitation of the eco-system will require substantial resources and political goodwill. UNEP is privileged to work in partnership with the Government of Kenya towards the implementation of this vital project," Achim Steiner, the UN Under-Secretary-General and UNEP Executive Director, said during the launch.

What will it take to reverse the destruction of the complex?

The restoration of the Mau is a strategic priority that requires substantial resources and political will.

On 4 September, Prime Minister Raila Odinga launched an interim secretariat to co-ordinate the implementation of a multi-stakeholder taskforce’s recommendations on the rehabilitation of the complex.

The recommendations include fencing off the area, as well as relocating individuals living in the forest.

A 10-point intervention plan was identified by the 11-member secretariat to implement the recommendations of the Mau Forest Task Force for immediate and medium-term action.

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NAIROBI , 29 September 2009 (IRIN) - Patients at an advanced stage of Human African Trypanosomiasis, or sleeping sickness, can now access more convenient, safer and cheaper treatment after the introduction of Nifurtimox-Eflornithine Combination Therapy (NECT).

Developed by the Drugs for Neglected Diseases Initiative (DNDi) and partners, NECT comprises the administration of oral nifurtimox, and eflornithine injections for 10 days.

Past treatment has either been the widely-used arsenic-based melarsoprol injections, which kill an estimated five percent of patients, or eflornithine monotherapy, which requires 56 one-hour infusions in 14 days.

The diagnosis of sleeping sickness, which is spread by the bite of an infected tsetse fly, involves puncturing the lower back (lumbar) for a spinal fluid sample to determine whether parasites have invaded the brain.

Brain invasion in advanced stages leads to problems such as confusion, personality changes, slurred speech, seizures, and difficulty walking and talking - left untreated, the disease is fatal. At the initial stages, symptoms include fever and aching muscles and joints.

Sleeping sickness is endemic in 36 African countries and affects an estimated 50,000 to 70,000 people at any one time.

DNDi estimates that NECT will cost about 223 Euros (about 232 $US), half the cost of eflornithine monotherapy.


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Guinean police arrest a protester on September 28, 2009, amid reports that at least 10 people were killed in clashes between the troops and demonstrators.

Security forces have opened fire on opposition protestors in Guinea, killing at least 10 people at the city stadium in the capital, Conakry.

Reports on Monday cited journalists and witnesses as saying at least 10 people had been shot dead after presidential guard troops, backed by riot police, used teargas and live ammunition to evacuate several thousand people gathered in the September 20 stadium for a rally against junta leader Captain Moussa Dadis Camara.

The demonstrators were throwing stones at the forces during the clashes.

The demonstration sought to signify opposition to plans by Camara, who seized power in December 2008, to re-run for president in elections due in about six months.

Local journalists have been raising fears that the death toll was likely to rise, noting that they had counted at least 27 bodies.

Meanwhile, a doctor, working at Conakry's largest hospital, told AFP, on the condition of anonymity, that dozens of corpses have arrived at the morgue there.

"It's butchery! There are dozens of dead," said the unnamed doctor.

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A Somali refugee in Aden, Yemen (file photo): Thousands of Somalis and Ethiopians are in Bosasso, the commercial capital of Somalia's self-declared autonomous region of Puntland, attempting to cross the Gulf of Aden into Yemen

NAIROBI, 28 September 2009 (IRIN) - The authorities of Somalia's self-declared autonomous region of Puntland have begun cracking down on would-be migrants and people smugglers, who have been using its ports to reach the Gulf States, a senior police officer told IRIN.

He said thousands of Somalis and Ethiopians had gathered in Bosasso, the commercial capital, with the aim of attempting to cross the Gulf of Aden into Yemen.

"We estimate there are between 3,000 and 5,000 migrants currently in and around Bosasso," said Col Osman Hassan Awke, the Bari regional police chief.

He said security units had taken over some of the beach ports used by smugglers to pick up migrants.

"Marere beach [10km south of Bosasso], which was one of the main ports used by smugglers, is now a police post," Awke said, adding that despite the police effort in Puntland to stem the flow of migrants, "they still continue. We shut down one or two known ports and then they find another one."

He said the police would continue to set up posts on "most of the important beaches". However, he said the police did not have the means to stop the smuggling completely, without help from the international community.

According to the UN Refugee Agency, UNHCR, a total of 924 boats and more than 46,700 people have made the journey to Yemen from the Horn of Africa since January.

"So far this year, 322 are known to have drowned or went missing at sea and are presumed dead," Roberta Russo, spokeswoman for UNHCR Somalia, told IRIN on 28 September.

A local journalist, who requested anonymity, told IRIN the region's authorities had in the past tried to stem the migrant flow without success.

"They even tried to repatriate them to their homes in Ethiopia or southern Somalia but it did not work," the journalist said.

He said many migrants simply returned: "These are desperate people and no matter what, they will get on the boats if they want to."

Awke said the police had stopped repatriating migrants because "as soon as we send them they are back, and we don’t have the resources to keep sending them back".

He claimed aid agencies were not doing enough to help with the situation, adding that there was not even an official camp to host the migrants. "They are all over the place, which makes policing them that much more difficult."

However, Russo said: “In 2006 there was an attempt to create a camp for the migrants, but the initiative failed as, instead of protecting its inhabitants, the camp became a breeding ground for all kinds of violations.”

In 2009, the agencies and authorities reconsidered the option of opening a camp but abandoned the idea.

Russo added that UNHCR and its partners were distributing information on the dangers of crossing the Gulf of Aden and the options for migrants and asylum seekers.

The journalist said Puntland had a long coastline and would be hard-pressed to police it. "They [the authorities] don’t have the resources to effectively patrol it."

Smugglers were reportedly charging each migrant US$150 to $200 for the trip to Yemen, said the journalist. "Many migrants will have to work for over a year to make that kind of money."

irinnews

91-year-old Maphoka Tsolo now takes care of her two orphaned grandchildren

MATHEBE, 28 September 2009 (IRIN) - Despite her twisted spine and cataracts, Maphoka Tsolo, 91, still managed to lead the way down the steep narrow path behind her stone house in Mathebe, a small village in Mafeteng district, eastern Lesotho, determined to show why her orphaned great-grandchildren deserved the money from the government's cash grants scheme.

"With nothing growing here it is very difficult to take care of myself and the children," she said, pointing to her tiny plot of fallow land with a home made walking stick cut from a tree branch. She lost her husband and her three children "a very long time ago", and old age had brought nothing but hunger, physical pain and financial misery.

Her grandson disappeared eight years ago, so there was no one to work the rain-starved land. "He said he was going to look for work but he never came back." She had to stretch her 300 Maloti (US$39) monthly pension to support herself and the two children her grandson left behind.

Her situation is not uncommon: according to the Department of Social Welfare (DSW) Lesotho has more than 180,000 orphaned children, of which 55 percent have lost one or both parents to HIV/AIDS-related illnesses. About 23.2 percent of the nearly two million population of this tiny landlocked country are HIV positive - one of the highest HIV prevalence rates worldwide.

Rescue in cash

At the beginning of 2009, Tsolo and her great-grandchildren were thrown a lifeline when the local Village Verification Committee (VVC) - consisting of the chief, a community councillor, two volunteers from caregiver groups, and a DSW representative - identified her household as one of the poorest and most vulnerable with children.

Being in the bottom 10 percent meant she would be eligible for a quarterly amount of $47 from the Lesotho Child Grants Programme (CGP), which would ease the poverty that prevented the children from having enough to eat, staying healthy and going to school.

Mantoa Sejake, a Senior Child Welfare Officer at the DSW, commented: "That might seem like a small amount, but for those that are targeted this is very meaningful." The money would help cover the cost of school fees, uniforms, health care and other needs.

The CGP has targeted some 5,000 orphaned and vulnerable children living in 1,250 child-headed households, low-income households caring for AIDS orphans, and other vulnerable children in three communities - Matelile in Mafeteng District, Semonkong in Maseru District, and Lebakeng in Qacha's Nek district - in the pilot phase of the programme.

The European Commission donated $7.3 million to the project, and the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) provided technical assistance. The government eventually hopes to extend the programme throughout the country.

How poor is poor enough?

Mohemmad Farooq, a UNICEF social policy specialist who helped design the programme, said around 60 percent of the population were living below the poverty line and the country's resources were limited, so prioritization of the most destitute households was crucial, yet extremely challenging.

"Giving people money is very sensitive. Who is the most deserving? If we look at the indicators, we have divided the 'poor' category into three - poor, very poor and destitute - and we were focusing on destitute only." He recognized the danger of creating a dependency on cash handouts, but also noted that the programme came at a time of rising desperation.

Years of chronic food insecurity due to erratic weather and soil erosion, the impact of HIV/AIDS, persistently high rates of unemployment - aggravated by retrenchments in Lesotho's textile industry and the mines in neighbouring South Africa, on which many people depended for survival - meant deepening poverty across the country.

"And with the financial crisis the cost of living has gone up; this hits the poorest of the poor the hardest," Farooq said. "Many people live just above the poverty line - it only takes a small shock to bring them down into poverty." Lesotho now imports 70 percent of its food, mostly from South Africa, making it particularly vulnerable to food and fuel price hikes in that country.

"At this stage social protection is not a choice. If you don't provide this type of coping mechanism people will go into negative coping mechanisms, like taking children out of school so that they can work, selling off assets - if they have any - or taking loans with high interest rates, for which they could end up in bonded labour, so the situation will get worse," Farooq said.

The grants are to be spent mainly at the discretion of the household, but the programme includes a social mobilization and sensitization campaign. "We have a community-based targeting mechanism [through the VVCs]; people are sensitized to learn that the money should benefit the children."

Attaching conditions like mandatory school attendance were not always feasible. "There is a problem with the supply side here - you can't say you will only give the grant if the child goes to school, when often there are no schools to go to in the first place," Farooq commented.

Primary education is free in Lesotho, but poverty keeps thousands of children out of school "because of the indirect costs like books, uniforms and transportation", he said.

Tsolo picked up her first payment in April and a second in July, and said she looked forward to the next one in October. The money had gone on food, a school uniform for the 12-year-old girl, shoes for the eight-year-old boy, and school fees; and, she shyly admitted, "I also bought shoes for myself."

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Protesters in Guinea during a nationwide strike in 2006, carrying a sign calling for change (file photo)

DAKAR, 28 September 2009 (IRIN) - Recently a commercial billboard near Guinea’s presidential palace featured three towering question marks on a white background. That image matches the way many Guineans describe their country’s current condition, eight months after Moussa Dadis Camara came to power in a bloodless coup: utter uncertainty.

When Camara took power citizens poured into the streets cheering; Guineans say they were celebrating a rupture with the 24-year regime of Lansana Conté.

“We hate that the military has taken power again,” a Guinean told IRIN the day of the coup. “But we hate it less than we hated the Conté regime.”

Now many Guineans are wondering where the Camara government - which calls itself the National Council for Democracy and Development - is taking the country. Here is a timeline of some events since independence from France in 1958.

28 September 2009 - Guineans take to the streets protesting the candidacy junta leader Moussa Dadis Camara, defying a ban by authorities on a planned rally. Residents say scores killed and injured as military cracked down on demonstrators

22 September 2009 - International contact group on Guinea welcomes a decision by the African Union expressing concern about whether junta members keeping to a commitment not to run in presidential elections; contact group expresses "grave concerns" about delays in the electoral process and the deterioration of the political, human rights and security situation in Guinea

22 September 2009 - Supporters of Moussa Dadis Camara demonstrate in the capital Conakry

19 September 2009 - Leaders of political parties and civil society call for a 28 September rally to protest Camara's candidacy

17 September 2009 - Peace and Security Council of the African Union threatens sanctions against junta leader Moussa Dadis Camara "and all other individuals, both civilian and military" whose activities run counter to a commitment that no members of the ruling National Council for Development and Democracy would be a presidential candidate. AU expresses "deep concern over the deteriorating situation in Guinea" and "strongly condems the repudiation" of this commitment by Camara

23 August 2009 - Coalition of civil society organizations, unions, political parties, religious groups call on Guineans not to allow junta “to confiscate power”

19 August 2009 - Junta leader Moussa Dadis Camara tells journalists whether he runs for president "is up to God”

17 August 2009 - Ruling National Council for Democracy and Development (CNDD) accepts recommendation by civil society organizations, political parties, unions and religious groups to hold presidential election in January 2010, legislative election in March 2010

13 August 2009 - Junta leader Moussa Dadis Camara announces the formation of a national transitional council, called for by national and international groups in March

June 2009 - Following debate over the feasibility of holding elections in 2009, civil society organizations, political parties, religious groups and unions form a committee to evaluate election timetable

March 2009 - International community calls on CNDD to work with political parties, civil society organizations, unions to form a transitional council

March 2009 - Ruling CNDD says it will hold presidential election by end of 2009

February 2009 - Junta arrests son of deceased president Lansana Conté, Ousmane Conté, as part of a crackdown on suspected drug traffickers

January 2009 - The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) rejects a military-led transition in Guinea and bars junta members from attending meetings of any decision-making bodies

January 2009 - An international contact group on Guinea is formed, including representatives of ECOWAS, the African Union Commission, the European Union, the Mano River Union, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the UN Security Council

25 December 2008 - Prime Minister Ahmed Tidiane Souaré and other government officials turn themselves in at Alpha Yaya Diallo army barracks, CNDD headquarters

25 December 2008 - Moussa Dadis Camara announces presidential elections would be held after a two-year transition and he would not be a candidate

24 December 2008 - Moussa Dadis Camara proclaims himself president and head of the new National Council for Democracy and Development

23 December 2008 - In the early morning hours government officials announce that President Lansana Conté died the previous evening; confusion reigns as soldiers announce on state media they have dissolved government and taken over, while Prime Minister Ahmed Tidiane Souaré insists the government is intact

June 2008 - Police launch protests over salary arrears, provoking deadly clashes with military

May 2008 - Soldiers mutiny over pay, with several soldiers and civilians killed or injured in the unrest; Lansana Conté eventually dismisses defence minister

May 2008 – Lansana Conté sacks Prime Minister Lansana Kouyaté and names political ally Ahmed Tidiane Souaré , in a move Human Rights Watch said dealt “a serious blow to hopes that mass protest and ‘people power’ could bring reform”

May 2007 - Soldiers stage protests over salary arrears and living conditions

February 2007 - Following strike and unrest Lansana Conté names Lansana Kouyaté as “consensus” prime minister

January 2007 - In January Guineans massively heed another union call for a national strike; hundreds are killed in crackdown by military

2006 - Union-led national strikes paralyse country; several students are killed by security forces in protests over cancelled exams

2005 - Presidential motorcade of Lansana Conté fired upon in the capital Conakry

2003 - Lansana Conté re-elected in an opposition-boycotted poll

2001 - A referendum changes the constitution to allow president to run for a third term and increase the term from five to seven years; opposition rejects the vote as rigged, calls for boycott

2000-01 - Guinean army fights off incursions by rebels at borders with Liberia and Sierra Leone

1998 - Lansana Conté wins presidential election, which opposition denounces as rigged

1996 - Army mutiny. Loyalist troops eventually repulse attacks on the presidential palace

1993 - Lansana Conté wins Guinea’s first multi-party election, which is boycotted by opposition groups and marred by demonstrations

1990 - Guineans vote for new constitution, with a call to end one-party military rule

1989 - Conflict in neighbouring Liberia forces thousands to flee into Guinea; between 1989 and 2002 Guinea would receive some 750,000 refugees from the wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone, thousands more from Côte d’Ivoire after that country’s 2002 rebellion

1984 - President Ahmed Sékou Touré dies in March; Lansana Conté takes power in a coup in April

1970 - Dissidents attack Guinea in an unsuccessful attempt to bring down President Ahmed Sékou Touré; the incident is seen as intensifying Touré’s repression of opponents

1965 - President Ahmed Sékou Touré cuts relations with colonial power France, until 1975

1958 - Independence, with Ahmed Sékou Touré as president

irinnews

A poster of junta leader Moussa Dadis Camara in the Guinean capital Conakry

CONAKRY, 28 September 2009 (IRIN) - Scores of people in the Guinean capital Conakry were killed and injured on 28 September when security forces cracked down on demonstrators protesting the presidential candidature of junta leader Moussa Dadis Camara.

“I saw soldiers shooting at and stabbing demonstrators,” said a woman who gave her name only as Fanta. Another marcher who requested anonymity told IRIN soldiers ripped clothes off of women demonstrators and beat people with clubs.

“They shouted insults at people as they beat them, calling them ‘enemies’,” he said.

Demonstrators told IRIN they saw dead bodies but could not say how many people were killed. Media reports say local doctors put the number at 58.

At least five women sought treatment for rape at local health centres, according to Médecins Sans Frontiéres.

One hundred first aid workers with the Guinea Red Cross were deployed in Conakry to assist the injured and bring them to hospital, a Red Cross worker told IRIN.

By afternoon of 28 September “hundreds” of people with bullet wounds and injuries from beatings were at Donka Hospital in Conakry, according to a doctor at the hospital who requested anonymity.

“They are lying everywhere. I could not even count how many injured we have here. At least in the hundreds.” The injured are a mix of men and women, the youngest about age 14, he told IRIN.

Political and civil society leaders on 19 September called for a rally in a Conakry stadium to protest Camara’s candidature in upcoming presidential elections. Camara came to power in a coup on 23 December saying he would organize elections but has since signaled he has not ruled out running. On 22 September Camara supporters demonstrated in Conakry.

Despite a ban by authorities on the 28 September stadium meeting, masses of people assembled in the morning, pushing past military and entering the arena.

Demonstrator Fanta said at one point soldiers drove into the stadium, descended from their vehicles and began to shoot at and beat up demonstrators.

Mamadi Kaba, president of the Guinean office of the pan-African human rights group RADDHO, called the events “completely beyond all acceptable limits” and said it is time for the international community to stop tolerating Guinea’s military regime.

“A few days back a group of Guineans demonstrated their support for [junta leader Camara],” Kaba said. “They were tolerated and even encouraged. Today another part of the population comes out peacefully to express an opposing view and they are violently repressed.”

He said: “Today the junta has shown what it wants and what it is ready to do to the citizens. African leaders and the international community must join together to help the Guinean people get rid of this junta.”

Marchers told IRIN if civil society and political leaders were to call for another demonstration they would resume immediately.

“We are fighting for freedom here,” said one protester. “We are fighting to block the way for not only Moussa Dadis Camara but any military person trying to become president of Guinea.”

Fanta said: “Even if they tell us to take to the streets again this evening, I will be out there. This is for the children of Guinea.”

irinnews

NAIROBI, 28 September 2009 (IRIN) - When pregnant women in Tanzania choose whether to give birth at home or in a clinic, the attitude of health workers and availability of drugs are more important factors than cost and distance to the clinic, a new study suggests.

The study, published in the September 2009 American Journal of Public Health, scored the results of 1,203 respondents in rural western Tanzania on health system factors influencing women’s delivery decisions. It provided two hypothetical clinic situations characterised by attributes such as distance, cost, type of provider, attitude of provider, drugs and equipment and free transport for scoring.

"If our finding - that women are willing to trade longer distance, higher cost, having to find transport, and higher-level providers for higher-quality of care — is supported by other research, it would be particularly salient as Tanzania’s government decides how to allocate funds from the health budget."

Skilled birth attendants have been identified as crucial in reducing maternal mortality as they are trained to diagnose obstetric complications and manage or refer them, notes the report. In 2004, only 33.6 percent of women living in rural Tanzania reported delivering their last child in a health facility. The maternal mortality ratio in Tanzania is estimated at 950 per 100,000 live births.

irinnews

Washington,DC — African leaders "have a duty to create the right climate for business" in Africa, Tanzanian President Jakaya Kikwete said September 2 in Washington.

Kikwete described the private sector as the engine for economic growth and development across the continent and he called on his audience to "look forward," not backward, toward a brighter economic future and a closer U.S.-Africa business and trade relationship.

Speaking at a luncheon held in his honor on the eve of the Corporate Council on Africa's (CCA's) Seventh Biennial U.S.-Africa Business Summit, which will be held in Washington, Kikwete said now is the time for business to position itself strategically for future opportunities in Africa. He readily acknowledged, however, that now, as the world begins to emerge from the global financial crisis, "it is not easy to convince skeptics" to invest enthusiastically in Africa.

African leaders need to create the right climate for business, he said. "It is our duty to keep projecting a better image of our continent as a whole and of each individual country. Our commitment to good governance, peace and security, to the rule of law and respect for contracts and the business environment as a whole must never be put into question."

Kikwete reminded his listeners of the $698 million, five-year "compact" his country has been awarded by the United States through the U.S. Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) and said his only regret is that there are not more American companies competing for the business that will be created by the MCC agreement.

Kikwete spelled out five key sectors for business investment across Africa: infrastructure, the lack of which is strangling economic development across the region, he said; agriculture and agribusiness; natural resource development; tourism; and financial services, where a broader array of banking tools and programs is needed to help fuel long-term economic growth.

The media have not been very helpful, Kikwete said, as Africa makes its case as a great place for investment opportunities and business. "Sometimes I read what they say about us and wonder."

Kikwete told his audience of business executives, entrepreneurs, U.S. government representatives, Africans and Africanists that oftentimes the media report that China is "gobbling up" Africa.

"We are realizing that it is precisely the subjective and selective stories that [the media] carry about Africa that keep many Western companies out of Africa," he said. "Believe me, the field is wide open" for everyone, whether they be Chinese or Western businesses, to invest and do business in sub-Saharan Africa.

Cross-border trade is steadily increasing across sub-Saharan Africa, Kikwete said, and there are more and more trade links between Africa and Latin America and between Africa and Asia.

"South Africa, Kenya and India are important sources of investment for Tanzania, and while African investment and trade with Latin America remains slow, political will and the trend to grow remains undeniable," he said.

Kikwete noted that the African Diaspora is "slowly shifting from simply making remittances to support their families back home into making their own investments or mobilizing other investments," demonstrating, in his view, that "things are not as bad as [the media] sometimes portray the continent of Africa to be."

He called Africa the world's "last entrepreneurial and investment frontier" and said those who are not afraid to invest strategically can make good profits. He said some funds that invested in Africa's telecommunications sector have enjoyed an annual return on their investment in excess of 35 percent.

Kikwete thanked his audience for what they are doing to promote closer U.S.-Africa business and trade ties, especially those companies that are already operating in Africa.
"It is your success," he told those companies, "that will be a better selling point for the continent than simply listening to politicians like me." He called on all companies "who are succeeding in Africa to spread the good word."

Kikwete reminded his audience that between 2006 and 2008 Tanzania enjoyed an annual economic growth rate of 7.1 percent, and he expressed the hope that with increased trade and investment, Tanzania and the rest of the region can emerge from the financial crisis to enjoy such record economic growth rates again.

At least five African heads of state are expected to attend the CCA summit, which will showcase the latest trade and investment opportunities across Africa through more than 50 industry-specific sessions. More than 1,500 attendees are expected. The previous CCA summit was held in 2007 in Cape Town, South Africa.

all africa:
Progress critical to stabilization in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has been uneven, with some rebels being reintegrated into the national army while others continued to attack civilians, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon writes in a new report.

"The humanitarian situation remained precarious during the reporting period due to large-scale population displacements; human rights violations by armed men, including rapes, killings and lootings; impeded humanitarian access; and security incidents against humanitarian workers," he says in the report to the Security Council on the UN Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUC), covering July to September.

The total number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in the DR Congo is estimated at 2.2 million, of whom an estimated 1.7 million people remain displaced in the eastern provinces of North and South Kivu, with more than 400,000 persons having fled their homes since January.

"The challenges that remain in the Kivus are formidable and have the potential to impede the consolidation of peace and stability in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo if not handled in a timely and comprehensive manner," Mr. Ban writes.

"I urge the Congolese Government to take the necessary steps, with the assistance of MONUC and other partners, to keep the integration process on track and to bring it to a successful conclusion, including by ensuring the regular payment of FARDC [national army] salaries and by building barracks for the soldiers based in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo," he adds.

While some rebels, including members of the Congrès national pour la défense du peuple (CNDP), continued their integration into FARDC in accordance with agreements signed in March, military operations against the mainly Rwandan Hutu rebel group, Forces démocratiques de libération du Rwanda (FDLR), advanced into South Kivu.

FDLR and the Ugandan Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) continued to attack civilians in the Kivus and Orientale province, respectively, resulting in new population displacements and in Ituri province, to the north, two residual armed groups, the Forces de résistance patriotique en Ituri (FRPI) and the Front populaire pour la justice au Congo (FPJC), continued to attack and loot civilians in the Irumu area.

"Elements of FARDC also conducted exactions against civilians, although some progress was reported in the areas of military justice and discipline within FARDC," Mr. Ban writes, adding that he is encouraged by Government steps against impunity for sexual violence and other human rights violations by army elements in the Kivus.

But the human rights situation throughout the country continues to cause serious concern. "During the reporting period, MONUC observed an increase in reported human rights violations perpetrated by foreign armed groups but also, at times, by Government security forces, some of which were perceived to be ethnically motivated," he says.

"Sexual violence in the Democratic Republic of the Congo remained severe during the reporting period, with rapes and other forms of sexual violence perpetrated by armed groups, security forces and, increasingly, civilians."

Mr. Ban urges all parties, particularly the authorities, to ensure the full operation of the local conciliation committees and the appointment of territorial administrators and their assistants, and to expedite the appointment of members of the former armed groups to administrative positions as foreseen in the March agreements.

He also calls on Member States to act against FDLR leaders based in their countries to cut off support which is known to be provided to the rebel group in the DRC.

all africa:
Climate change will increase the number of malnourished children in Africa by 10 million to 52 million in the next 40 years, and the continent needs new agricultural investment of U.S. $2.9 billion a year to offset the adverse effects, says a new report.

The report, "Climate Change: Impact on Agriculture and Costs of Adaptation," is billed by its authors from the International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI), as the most comprehensive assessment of the impact of climate change on agriculture to date.

After comparing predictions of the numbers of malnourished children in 2050 with and without climate change, it concludes that climate change will produce 25 million more malnourished children around the world than would otherwise have been the case.

A fact sheet issued with the report says the number of malnourished children in Africa is expected to rise from 33 million in 2000 to 42 million in 2050 – without taking into account the effects of climate change.

"Climate change will further increase this number by over 10 million, resulting in 52 million malnourished children in 2050," the sheet says.

However, this outcome could be averted with a global investment of an extra U.S. $7 billion a year to boost agricultural productivity, said Gerald Nelson, the lead author of the report.


Sub-Saharan Africa needs 40 percent of the estimated $7 billion, most for rural roads, the report added.

Other key points from the report, issued in conjunction with international climate change meetings in Bangkok:

• The negative effects of climate change on crop production are especially pronounced in sub-Saharan Africa, as agriculture accounts for a large share of GDP, export earnings and employment in most African countries.

• In 2050 average rice, wheat, and maize yields will decline by up to 14 percent, 22 percent, and five percent, respectively, as a result of climate change.

• Climate change is expected to produce a 21 percent decline in calories by 2050, an average 500 calories fewer per person.

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JUST 10 years after establishing diplomatic and trade relations, China has overtaken the US, Japan, Germany and the UK to become SA’s biggest trading partner, according to the latest figures from the Department of Trade and Industry.

Trade volumes with China between January and July have reached R32,4bn, followed by the US with R21,7bn, Japan’s R19,7bn, Germany’s R17,5bn and the UK’s R15,2bn. This indicated an increase in SA-China trade of 11,95% from 8,45% in the same period last year.

The US was SA’s major trading partner only briefly, in the 2006- 07 financial year, after taking over from the UK, which had held the number one spot for a long time.

The increase in trade between the US and SA had been largely due to the African Growth and Opportunity Act (Agoa) .

Agoa had enabled sub-Saharan African countries to export more than 1800 tariff line items duty- free to the US — on top of the 4600 tariff-free items listed under the Generalised System of Preferences.

According to Chinese ambassador Zhong Jianhua, the warm diplomatic ties between China and SA since 1998 had been matched by growing economic engagement, putting this country among China’s top three African trading partners. B ilateral trade volumes have risen from 800m in 1998 to 17,8bn last year.

Since 2000, China-Africa trade has grown 10 times, reaching 106,8bn last year , according to the Chinese commerce ministry.

Chinese exports to Africa have hit 50,8bn , while China’s imports from Africa have reached 56bn.

Other than imports of Africa’s raw materials, at least 500 of the continent’s products from 31 countries such as wines, tobacco, coffee and olive oil have received a zero-tariff treatment from the Chinese government and exposure to the country’s markets.

Zhong said SA had for the first time enjoyed a trade surplus with China and that this could increase.

He attributed the increase in South African exports to China to the international financial crisis, which saw most developed countries reduce their orders, especially from emerging economies.

China imports iron ore, gold, copper, chrome, wine, timber and paper pulp from SA, while China mostly exports value-added products, such as appliances and clothing. Angola — accounting for 24% of China-Africa trade — is China’s major African partner as it is the biggest source of China’s oil imports.

SA follows on 17%, then Sudan (8%), Nigeria (7%) and Egypt (6%). Angola and SA are ranked 29 and 31 respectively among China’s trading partners worldwide.

These countries collectively account for 62% of total China- Africa trade.

Economists have been critical of the skewed nature of China- Africa trade, saying China supplies value-added manufactured goods to Africa while the latter supplies mainly primary products.

The top import s to China last year have been mineral products (82%); precious stones and metals (3%); parts for motor vehicles (3%); wood products (2%); and base metals (1%).

The top export products from China last year to Africa in general have been machinery, transport equipment, footwear and plastic products.

businessday.co.za

HOT SEAT: Kirsten Nematandani, the SA Football Association's new president, flanked by Safa executive members Raymond Hack and Shoes Mazibuko and Chief Mwelo Nonkonyana, right Picture: SIMON MATHEBULA

The 2010 soccer World Cup - just 255 days away from kick-off - was the winner when Danny Jordaan and Irvin Khoza withdrew unexpectedly from contesting the South African Football Association's presidency at the weekend.

Their withdrawal led to Kirsten Nematandani, chairman of Safa's referees' review committee, succeeding Molefi Oliphant as president.

His election ends months of hostile horse-trading by the Khoza and Jordaan lobby groups, which raised fears 2010 preparations might be derailed.

Fifa had asked that should Jordaan or Khoza win the presidency, they should vacate their positions on the World Cup local organising committee. Khoza is chairman of the committee, Jordaan its chief executive.

Speaking to The Times yesterday, Jordaan said he had two reasons for withdrawing from the Safa race, the first being his 17-year commitment to the World Cup.

"The second issue is whether I was eligible or not. I formed Safa in 1991 and I was the acting president then," he said, disputing claims that he couldn't stand for the presidency because he is an employee, not a member of Safa.

He said if he had continued to stand for election, the meeting would probably have been adjourned to establish his eligibility. The adjournment, he said, would have taken about two or three months, an undesirable situation in light of the World Cup draw on December 4.

Jordaan said it was clear to him that he would have won.

"But I had to consider my own interests versus the country's interests . We cannot afford to put at risk the draw and create further uncertainty as to who is the president of Safa," he said.

Nematandani was competent for the job, having served in many portfolios, said Jordaan. "He cares for the grassroots."

Nematandani promised to be his own man and chart a new course for Safa.

He vowed not be seen as a ceremonial office bearer, as Oliphant was perceived to be.

"I am humbled to be elected and ready for this great challenge. As a leader I am a servant of the people. What I bring to the table will be a president who cares and will make sure we have stability, accountability and principles. We [the Safa executive] aim to take soccer in our country to a new level. That means hard work from everyone involved," he told The Times.

Khoza could not be reached for comment.

timeslive

At least four people were killed and 52 injured when an unidentified man lobbed a grenade into a crowd at a village market in Rwanda, public radio reported Sunday.
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The incident at Karambo village, about 100 kilometres (60 miles) south of the Rwandan capital Kigali, took place Saturday night, but rescue efforts to recover the injured went into Sunday morning, it said.

Karambo is in an isolated mountainous region, meaning police and other authorities only belatedly learned of the incident due to poor telecommunications.

The injured were admitted to Butare university hospital, where about a dozen among them were in critical condition, said police spokesman Eric Kayiranga, quoted by Radio Rwanda.

"This attack has not yet been claimed, but the police suspect it was an act of sabotage to sow terror in rural districts," he said.

timeslive

Grace Mugabe, the wife of Zimbabwean president Robert Mugabe, owns dairy farms that sell up to a million litres of milk a year to food giant Nestlé, London's Sunday Telegraph reported.

Grace Mugabe took over six of the country's most valuable white-owned farms around 2002, the newspaper said.

Mugabe, his wife and other members of his administration are the subject of European Union and United States sanctions as a result of their controversial 29-year rule over once-prosperous Zimbabwe.

Nestlé, the multinational food company which is the largest customer of Grace Mugabe's dairy farm, is not obliged to comply with those sanctions as its headquarters are in Switzerland, the Telegraph said.

Switzerland has its own set of measures, but Nestlé insists it has not broken Swiss law.

On Saturday, the Daily Telegraph reported that Robert Mugabe himself had built up a secret personal farming empire including at least five white-owned farms from which the owners were forced out.

According to the Sunday Telegraph, Grace Mugabe's properties total about 4 856 hectares, but her most important is Gushungo Dairy Estate, formerly known as Foyle Farm. It is located in Mazowe, about 10km north of Harare.

The farm is managed by Russell Goreraza, her son from her first marriage.

Her biggest customer, according to her staff and other industry insiders, is Nestlé Zimbabwe, the local subsidiary of the Swiss company, the newspaper reported.

mg.co.za

President Jacob Zuma will meet with the South African Police Services station commissioners on Tuesday to discuss strategies that will help combat crime. According to the Presidency, more than 1 000 station commissioners will meet Zuma in Pretoria to discuss how to take forward the fight against crime.

In a statement released by the Presidency, the fight against crime is one of the five key priorities of government. Next week's meeting is the first of its kind and Zuma will share his vision with the station commissioners, and obtain from them, a first-hand account of work on the ground.

The discussion forms part of Zuma’s intention to meet with public servants who are in the forefront of service delivery, to ensure that they understand government objectives from the highest office.

Zuma will be accompanied by the Minister of Police Nathi Mthethwa, Justice and Constitutional Development Minister Jeff Radebe, Correctional Services’ Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula and Social Development’s Edna Molewa as well as National Police Commissioner Bheki Cele. The meeting will also be attended by the nine provincial premiers as well as MECs responsible for Community Safety portfolios.

sabcnews

Residents of Sakhile in Standerton, Mpumalanga are spilling litter on the roads and barricading them with stones as they protest against alleged corruption in the Lekwa Municipality.

The angry residents are demanding that all councillors to resign immediately and the municipality be put under provincial administration. Unconfirmed reports say a house owned by one of the councillors has been set on fire. This comes after two municipal offices were set alight last week.

Phanual Manana, spokesperson of the ANCYL in Lekwa, is among the protesters. Manana says: “People are very angry, and police seem to be ready to shoot following the chaos. Protesters believe that this issue is long overdue”.

Yesterday, the Mpumalanga Co-operative Governance and Traditional Affairs MEC Norman Mokoena acknowledged that there are serious capacity problems in the Municipality.

sabcnews