Introduction:
Military regimes favoring Islamic-oriented governments have dominated national
politics since independence from the UK in 1956. Sudan was embroiled in two
prolonged civil wars during most of the remainder of the 20th century. These
conflicts were rooted in northern economic, political, and social domination of
largely non-Muslim, non-Arab southern Sudanese. The first civil war ended in
1972 but broke out again in 1983. The second war and famine-related effects
resulted in more than 4 million people displaced and, according to rebel
estimates, more than 2 million deaths over a period of two decades. Peace talks
gained momentum in 2002-04 with the signing of several accords. The final
North/South Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), signed in January 2005, granted
the southern rebels autonomy for six years. After which, a referendum for
independence is scheduled to be held. A separate conflict, which broke out in
the western region of Darfur in 2003, has displaced nearly 2 million people and
caused an estimated 200,000 to 400,000 deaths. As of late 2006, peacekeeping
troops were struggling to stabilize the situation, which has become increasingly
regional in scope, and has brought instability to eastern Chad, and Sudanese
incursions into the Central African Republic. Sudan also has faced large refugee
influxes from neighboring countries, primarily Ethiopia and Chad. Armed
conflict, poor transport infrastructure, and lack of government support have
chronically obstructed the provision of humanitarian assistance to affected
populations.
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Geography
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Climate
KHARTOUM
15 60 N, 32 54 E, 1246 feet (380 meters) above sea level.
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PORT SUDAN 19 58 N, 37 21 E, 6 feet (2 meters) above sea level.
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NYALA 12 5 N, 24 88 E, 2158 feet (658 meters) above sea level.
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JUBA 4 86 N, 31 60 E, 1499 feet (457 meters) above sea level.
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MALAKAL 9 55 N, 31 65 E, 1272 feet (388 meters) above sea level.
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KASSALA 15 46 N, 36 40 E, 1640 feet (500 meters) above sea level.
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ATBARA 17 70 N, 33 96 E, 1131 feet (345 meters) above sea level.
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PEOPLE
Sudan?s population is one of the most diverse on the African continent. There
are two distinct major cultures--'Arab' and black African--with hundreds of
ethnic and tribal subdivisions and language groups, which make effective
collaboration among them a major political challenge.
The northern states cover most of the Sudan and include most of the urban
centers. Most of the 22 million Sudanese who live in this region are
Arabic-speaking Muslims, though the majority also uses a non-Arabic mother
tongue--e.g., Nubian, Beja, Fur, Nuban, Ingessana, etc. Among these are several
distinct tribal groups: the Kababish of northern Kordofan, a camel-raising
people; the Ja?alin and Shaigiyya groups of settled tribes along the rivers; the
semi-nomadic Baggara of Kordofan and Darfur; the Hamitic Beja in the Red Sea
area and Nubians of the northern Nile areas, some of whom have been resettled on
the Atbara River; and the Nuba of southern Kordofan and Fur in the western
reaches of the country.
The southern region has a population of around 6 million and a predominantly
rural, subsistence economy. Except for a ten-year hiatus, southern Sudan has
been embroiled in conflict, resulting in major destruction and displacement
since independence. More than 2 million people have died, and more than 4
million are internally displaced or have become refugees as a result of the
civil war and war-related impacts. The southern Sudanese practice mainly
indigenous traditional beliefs, although Christian missionaries have converted
some. The south also contains many tribal groups and many more languages than
are used in the north. The Dinka--whose population is estimated at more than 1
million--is the largest of the many black African tribes of the Sudan. Along
with the Shilluk and the Nuer, they are among the Nilotic tribes. The Azande,
Bor, and Jo Luo are 'Sudanic' tribes in the west, and the Acholi and Lotuhu live
in the extreme south, extending into Uganda.
In 2006, Sudan?s population reached an estimated 41 million. A new census is
planned for 2007. The population of metropolitan Khartoum (including Khartoum,
Omdurman, and North Khartoum) is growing rapidly and ranges from 6-7 million,
including around 2 million internally displaced persons from the former southern
war zone as well as western and eastern regions affected by drought, conflict,
and marginalization. In Darfur, there are an estimated 1.8 million internally
displaced persons and another 220,000 refugees in neighboring Chad--200,000 in
12 camps and 20,000 in the border area.
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HISTORY
Sudan was a collection of small, independent kingdoms and principalities from
the beginning of the Christian era until 1820-21, when Egypt conquered and
unified the northern portion of the country. However, neither the Egyptian nor
the Mahdist state (1883-1898) had any effective control of the southern region
outside of a few garrisons. Southern Sudan remained an area of fragmented
tribes, subject to frequent attacks by slave raiders.
In 1881, a religious leader named Muhammad ibn Abdalla proclaimed himself the
Mahdi, or the 'expected one,' and began a religious crusade to unify the tribes
in western and central Sudan. His followers took on the name 'Ansars' (the
followers) which they continue to use today and are associated with the single
largest political grouping, the Umma Party, led by a descendant of the Mahdi,
Sadiq al Mahdi.
Taking advantage of dissatisfaction resulting from Ottoman-Egyptian exploitation
and maladministration, the Mahdi led a nationalist revolt culminating in the
fall of Khartoum in 1885. The Mahdi died shortly thereafter, but his state
survived until overwhelmed by an invading Anglo-Egyptian force under Lord
Kitchener in 1898. While nominally administered jointly by Egypt and Britain,
Britain exercised control, formulated policies, and supplied most of the top
administrators.
Independence
In February 1953, the United Kingdom and Egypt concluded an agreement providing
for Sudanese self-government and self-determination. The transitional period
toward independence began with the inauguration of the first parliament in 1954.
With the consent of the British and Egyptian Governments, Sudan achieved
independence on January 1, 1956, under a provisional constitution. This
constitution was silent on two crucial issues for southern leaders--the secular
or Islamic character of the state and its federal or unitary structure. However,
the Arab-led Khartoum government reneged on promises to southerners to create a
federal system, which led to a mutiny by southern army officers that launched 17
years of civil war (1955-72).
Sudan has been at war with itself for more than three quarters of its existence.
Since independence, protracted conflict rooted in deep cultural and religious
differences retarded Sudan?s economic and political development and forced
massive internal displacement of its people. Northerners, who have traditionally
controlled the country, have sought to unify it along the lines of Arabism and
Islam despite the opposition of non-Muslims, southerners, and marginalized
peoples in the west and east. The resultant civil strife affected Sudan?s
neighbors, as they alternately sheltered fleeing refugees or served as operating
bases for rebel movements.
In 1958, General Ibrahim Abboud seized power and pursued a policy of Arabization
and Islamicization in the south that strengthened southern opposition. General
Abboud was overthrown in 1964 and a civilian caretaker government assumed
control. Southern leaders eventually divided into two factions, those who
advocated a federal solution and those who argued for self-determination, a
euphemism for secession since it was assumed the south would vote for
independence if given the choice.
Until 1969, there was a succession of governments that proved unable either to
agree on a permanent constitution or to cope with problems of factionalism,
economic stagnation, and ethnic dissidence. These regimes were dominated by
'Arab' Muslims who asserted their Arab-Islamic agenda and refused any kind of
self-determination for southern Sudan.
In May 1969, a group of communist and socialist officers led by Colonel Gaafar
Muhammad Nimeiri, seized power. A month after coming to power, Nimeiri
proclaimed socialism (instead of Islamism) for the country and outlined a policy
of granting autonomy to the south. Nimeiri in turn was the target of a coup
attempt by communist members of the government. It failed and Nimeiri ordered a
massive purge of communists. This alienated the Soviet Union, which withdrew its
support.
Already lacking support from the Muslim parties he had chased from power,
Nimeiri could no longer count on the communist faction. Having alienated the
right and the left, Nimeiri turned to the south as a way of expanding his
limited powerbase. He pursued peace initiatives with Sudan?s hostile neighbors,
Ethiopia and Uganda, signing agreements that committed each signatory to
withdraw support for the other?s rebel movements. He then initiated negotiations
with the southern rebels and signed an agreement in Addis Ababa in 1972 that
granted a measure of autonomy to the south. Southern support helped him put down
two coup attempts, one initiated by officers from the western regions of Darfur
and Kordofan who wanted for their region the same privileges granted to the
south.
However, the Addis Ababa Agreement had no support from either the secularist or
Islamic northern parties. Nimeiri concluded that their lack of support was more
threatening to his regime than lack of support from the south so he announced a
policy of national reconciliation with all the religious opposition forces.
These parties did not feel bound to observe an agreement they perceived as an
obstacle to furthering an Islamist state. The scales against the peace agreement
were tipped in 1979 when Chevron discovered oil in the south. Northern pressure
built to abrogate those provisions of the peace treaty granting financial
autonomy to the south. Ultimately in 1983, Nimeiri abolished the southern
region, declared Arabic the official language of the south (instead of English)
and transferred control of southern armed forces to the central government. This
was effectively a unilateral abrogation of the 1972 peace treaty. The second
Sudan civil war effectively began in January 1983 when southern soldiers
mutinied rather than follow orders transferring them to the north.
In September 1983, as part of an Islamicization campaign, President Nimeiri
announced that traditional Islamic punishments drawn from Shari?a (Islamic Law)
would be incorporated into the penal code. This was controversial even among
Muslim groups. Amputations for theft and public lashings for alcohol possession
became common. Southerners and other non-Muslims living in the north were also
subjected to these punishments.
In April 1985, while out of the country, Nimeiri was overthrown by a popular
uprising in Khartoum provoked by a collapsing economy, the war in the south, and
political repression. Gen. Suwar al-Dahab headed the transitional government.
One of its first acts was to suspend the 1983 constitution and disband Nimeiri?s
Sudan Socialist Union.
Elections were held in April 1986, and a civilian government took over after the
April 1986 elections. There were tentative moves towards negotiating peace with
the south. However, any proposal to exempt the south from Islamic law was
unacceptable to those who supported Arabic supremacy. In 1989, an Islamic army
faction, led by General Umar al-Bashir mounted a coup and installed the National
Islamic Front. The new government?s commitment to the Islamic cause intensified
the north-south conflict.
Meanwhile, the period of the 1990s saw a growing sense of alienation in the
western and eastern regions of Sudan from the Arab center. The rulers in
Khartoum were seen as less and less responsive to the concerns and grievances of
both Muslim and non-Muslim populations across the country. Alienation from the
'Arab' center caused various groups to grow sympathetic to the southern rebels
led by the Sudan People?s Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A), and in some cases,
prompted them to flight alongside it.
The Bashir government combined internal political repression with international
Islamist activism. It supported radical Islamist groups in Algeria and supported
Iraq?s invasion of Kuwait. Khartoum was established as a base for militant
Islamist groups: radical movements and terrorist organizations like Osama Bin
Laden?s al Qaida were provided a safe haven and logistical aid in return for
financial support. In 1996, the U.N. imposed sanctions on Sudan for alleged
connections to the assassination attempt on Egyptian President Mubarak.
Its policy toward the south was to pursue the war against the rebels while
trying to manipulate them by highlighting tribal divisions. Ultimately, this
policy resulted in the rebels? uniting under the leadership of Colonel John
Garang. During this period, the rebels also enjoyed support from Ethiopia,
Eritrea, and Uganda. The Bashir Government?s 'Pan-Islamic' foreign policy, which
provided support for neighboring radical Islamist groups, was partly responsible
for this support for the rebels.
The 1990s saw a succession of regional efforts to broker an end to the Sudanese
civil war. Beginning in 1993, the leaders of Eritrea, Ethiopia, Uganda, and
Kenya pursued a peace initiative for the Sudan under the auspices of the
Intergovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD), but results were mixed.
Despite that record, the IGAD initiative promulgated the 1994 Declaration of
Principles (DOP) that aimed to identify the essential elements necessary to a
just and comprehensive peace settlement; i.e., the relationship between religion
and the state, power sharing, wealth sharing, and the right of
self-determination for the south. The Sudanese Government did not sign the DOP
until 1997 after major battlefield losses to the SPLA. That year, the Khartoum
government signed a series of agreements with rebel factions under the banner of
'Peace from Within.' These included the Khartoum, Nuba Mountains, and Fashoda
Agreements that ended military conflict between the government and significant
rebel factions. Many of those leaders then moved to Khartoum where they assumed
marginal roles in the central government or collaborated with the government in
military engagements against the SPLA. These three agreements paralleled the
terms and conditions of the IGAD agreement, calling for a degree of autonomy for
the south and the right of self-determination.
However, by mid-2001, prospects for peace in Sudan appeared fairly remote. A few
days before the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks in New York and
Washington, the Bush Administration named former Senator John Danforth as its
Presidential Envoy for Peace in the Sudan. His role was to explore the prospects
that the U.S. could play a useful role in the search for a just end to the civil
war, and enhance the delivery of humanitarian aid to reduce the suffering of the
Sudanese people stemming from the effects of civil war. The terrorist attacks of
September 11 dramatically impacted the bilateral relationship between the United
States and the Khartoum Government. (For 'U.S.-Sudanese Relations,' see below.)
Government and Political Conditions
Comprehensive Peace Agreement
The CPA established a new Government of National Unity and the interim
Government of Southern Sudan and called for wealth-sharing, power-sharing, and
security arrangements between the two parties. The historic agreement provides
for a ceasefire, withdrawal of troops from southern Sudan, and the repatriation
and resettlement of refugees. It also stipulates that by the end of the six-year
interim period, during which the various provisions of the CPA are implemented,
there will be elections at all levels, including for president, state governors,
and national and state legislatures.
On July 9, 2005, the Presidency was inaugurated with al-Bashir sworn in as
President and John Garang, SPLM leader, installed as First Vice President.
Ratification of the Interim National Constitution followed. The Constitution
declares Sudan to be a ?democratic, decentralized, multi-cultural, multi-ethnic,
multi-religious, and multi-lingual State.?
On July 30, 2005, the charismatic and revered SPLM leader John Garang died in a
helicopter crash. The SPLM immediately named Salva Kiir, Garang? s deputy, as
First Vice President. As stipulated in the CPA, Kiir now holds the posts of
President of the Government of Southern Sudan and Commander-in-Chief of the SPLA.
Implemented provisions of the CPA include the formation of the National
Legislature, appointment of Cabinet members, establishment of the Government of
Southern Sudan and the signing of the Southern Sudan Constitution, and the
appointment of state governors and adoption of state constitutions.
New CPA-mandated commissions have also been created. Thus far, those formed
include the Assessment and Evaluation Commission, National Petroleum Commission,
Fiscal and Financial Allocation and Monitoring Commission, and the North-South
Border Commission. The Ceasefire Political Commission, Joint Defense Board, and
Ceasefire Joint Military Committee were also established as part of the security
arrangements of the CPA.
With the establishment of the National Population Census Council, plans are
anticipated for a population census to be conducted in 2007 in preparation for
national elections. The CPA mandates that the government hold a referendum at
the end of a six-year interim period in 2011, allowing southerners to secede if
they so wish. While much has been accomplished during the last two years,
progress of the agreement has faltered in areas related to north-south border
demarcation, security provisions, and north-south sharing of oil revenues.
On January 9, 2007, commemoration of the second anniversary of the CPA was held
in Juba. During the ceremony, President Bashir and First Vice President Kiir
exchanged forceful accusations concerning the delays in the implementation of
the agreement. In his remarks, Salva Kiir described the achievement of the CPA
as the most important achievement in modern Sudanese history and confirmed that
there would be no retreat from the path of peace.
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ECONOMY
In 2004, the cessation of major north-south hostilities and expanding crude oil
exports resulted in 6.4% GDP growth and a near doubling of GDP per capita since
2003. The aftereffects of the 21-year civil war and very limited infrastructure,
however, present obstacles to stronger growth and a broader distribution of
income. The country continued taking some steps toward transitioning from a
socialist to a market-based economy, although the government and governing party
supporters remained heavily involved in the economy.
Sudan?s primary resources are agricultural, but oil production and export have
taken on greater importance since October 2000. Although the country is trying
to diversify its cash crops, cotton, and gum arabic remain its major
agricultural exports. Grain sorghum (dura) is the principal food crop, and
millet and wheat are grown for domestic consumption. Sesame seeds and peanuts
are cultivated for domestic consumption and increasingly for export. Livestock
production has vast potential, and many animals, particularly camels and sheep,
are exported to Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and other Arab countries. However, Sudan
remains a net importer of food. Problems of irrigation and transportation remain
the greatest constraints to a more dynamic agricultural economy.
The country?s transportation facilities consist of one 4,800-kilometer
(2,748-miles), single-track railroad with a feeder line, supplemented by limited
river steamers, Sudan Airways, and about 1,900 kilometers (1,200 miles) of paved
and gravel road--primarily in greater Khartoum, Port Sudan, and the north. Some
north-south roads that serve the oil fields of central/south Sudan have been
built; and a 1,400 kilometer. (840 miles) oil pipeline goes from the oil fields
via the Nuba Mountains and Khartoum to the oil export terminal in Port Sudan on
the Red Sea.
Sudan?s limited industrial development consists of agricultural processing and
various light industries located in Khartoum North. In recent years, the GIAD
industrial complex introduced the assembly of small autos and trucks, and some
heavy military equipment such as armored personnel carriers and the proposed 'Bashir'
main battle tank. Although Sudan is reputed to have great mineral resources,
exploration has been quite limited, and the country?s real potential is unknown.
Small quantities of asbestos, chromium, and mica are exploited commercially.
Extensive petroleum exploration began in the mid-1970s and might cover all of
Sudan?s economic and energy needs. Significant finds were made in the Upper Nile
region and commercial quantities of oil began to be exported in October 2000,
reducing Sudan?s outflow of foreign exchange for imported petroleum products.
There are indications of significant potential reserves of oil and natural gas
in southern Sudan, the Kordofan region and the Red Sea province.
Sudan is seeking to expand its installed capacity of electrical generation of
around 300 megawatts--of which 180 megawatts is hydroelectric and the rest,
thermal. Considering the continuing U.S. economic, trade, and financial
sanctions regime, European investors are the most likely providers of technology
for this purpose. More than 70% of Sudan?s hydropower comes from the Roseires
Dam on the Blue Nile grid. Various projects are proposed to expand hydropower,
thermal generation, and other sources of energy, but so far the government has
had difficulty arranging sufficient financing.
The Merowe dam project has received a boost from various Arab funds. The Arab
Fund for Economic and Social Development donated $150 million, the Abu Dhabi
Development Fund $100 million, the Kuwaiti Development Fund $150 million, and
the Saudi Fund $150 million. The Sultanate of Oman may finance the dam power
plant with $106 million. The Merowe dam, if built, would have a capacity of
1,250 megawatts. It would be built at the Nile?s fourth cataract. Egypt has not
voiced major objections on the issue of Nile water diversion, which Sudan?s
hydroelectric project would entail. The estimated total cost of the dam is $1.8
billion.
Historically, the U.S., the Netherlands, Italy, Germany, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait,
and other Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) have supplied
most of Sudan?s economic assistance. Sudan?s role as an economic link between
Arab and African countries is reflected by the presence in Khartoum of the Arab
Bank for African Development. The World Bank had been the largest source of
development loans.
Sudan will require extraordinary levels of program assistance and debt relief to
manage a foreign debt exceeding $21 billion, more than the country?s entire
annual gross domestic product. During the late 1970s and 1980s, the
International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and key donors worked closely to
promote reforms to counter the effect of inefficient economic policies and
practices. By 1984, a combination of factors--including drought, inflation, and
confused application of Islamic law--reduced donor disbursements, and capital
flight led to a serious foreign-exchange crisis and increased shortages of
imported inputs and commodities. More significantly, the 1989 revolution caused
many donors in Europe, the U.S., and Canada to suspend official development
assistance, but not humanitarian aid.
However, as Sudan became the world?s largest debtor to the World Bank and IMF by
1993, its relationship with the international financial institutions soured in
the mid-1990s and has yet to be fully rehabilitated. The government fell out of
compliance with an IMF standby program and accumulated substantial arrearages on
repurchase obligations. A 4-year economic reform plan was announced in 1988 but
was not pursued. An economic reform plan was announced in 1989 and
implementation began on a 3-year economic restructuring program designed to
reduce the public sector deficit, end subsidies, privatize state enterprises,
and encourage new foreign and domestic investment. In 1993, the IMF suspended
Sudan?s voting rights and the World Bank suspended Sudan?s right to make
withdrawals under effective and fully disbursed loans and credits. Lome Funds
and European Union agricultural credits, totaling more than 1 billion euros,
also were suspended.
Sudan produces about 401,000 barrels per day (b/d) (2005 est.) of oil, which
brought in about $1.9 billion in 2005 and provides 70% of the country?s total
export earnings. Although final figures are not yet available, these earnings
may have risen to an estimated $2 billion as of the end of 2004. The oil
production was expected to reach 500,000 barrels by 2005. With a resolution of
its 21-year civil war, Sudan and its people can now begin to reap the benefit
from its natural resources, rebuild its infrastructure, increase oil production
and exports, and be able to attain its export and development potential.
In 2000-2001, Sudan?s current account entered surplus for the first time since
independence. In 1993, currency controls were imposed, making it illegal to
possess foreign exchange without approval. In 1999, liberalization of foreign
exchange markets ameliorated this constraint somewhat. Exports other than oil
are largely stagnant. The small industrial sector remains in the doldrums, and
Sudan?s inadequate and declining infrastructure inhibits economic growth.
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