More than three months after the declaration of a no-fly zone over Libyan airspace and the commencement of the aerial bombardment of the North African country by NATO forces ostensibly enforcing a United Nations Resolution on the conflict there, there is still no end in sight to the war.

Last week, the International Criminal Court laid charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity on the Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi and close associates, including one of his sons. What was meant to be a short operation to get rid of Gaddafi has dragged on longer than his adversaries had envisaged.

Egged on by their NATO allies, Libyan rebels, a ragtag band of deserters and conscripts, lacking in discipline and organisation, have not made much headway in their bid to dislodge Gaddafi from power.

However, the humanitarian crisis precipitated by the war, especially mounting civilian casualties, is giving cause for concern in the international community, leading to calls for a ceasefire by Italy, but vehemently opposed by key players Britain and France

Resolution 1973 authorised the UN Security Council to protect Libyans from Gaddafi's forces by taking all necessary measures. It is an irony that the very people that NATO forces were supposed to protect are now the victims of NATO bombs. Spearheaded by the US, the resolution was deliberately worded in such a way as to allow for elastic interpretations, a recipe for the so-called "mission creep" that has planners worried, as they should. Once the bombardment started, there was every possibility that it could escalate.

Such interventions take on a life of their own with one thing leading to the other. Initially NATO jets were bombing from on high; later on, attack helicopters that fly at lower altitude were introduced for more effectiveness- and mounting casualties. As the war continues, NATO forces are on a slippery slope that may lead to the introduction of ground forces, with dire consequences.

Not surprisingly, criticisms have been expressed in various quarters about NATO aims. The Arab League whose initial support for a no-fly zone had been brandished by the West as a major pillar of support for their attacks has expressed serious reservations. Its outgoing secretary general Amr Moussa has changed his mind, saying: "When I see children being killed I must have misgivings. You can't have a decisive ending.

Now is the time to reach a political solution". Similarly, Franco Fratini the foreign minister of Italy, Libya's former colonial power, called for "an immediate humanitarian suspension of hostilities". Putting a brave face on the embarrassment caused by civilian casualties, the US, Britain and France are adamant that there will be no deal unless Gaddafi departs. Gaddafi on the other hand, has not helped matters by his intransigence, insisting on staying in power.

With the growing chorus of those calling for a cessation of hostilities in Libya, the coalition of Western powers is increasingly under pressure to finish the job it started; how it accomplishes that is open to question. The US House of Representatives recently showed its opposition to President Barack Obama's position on the war by voting against a resolution authorising Washington's continued involvement in it.

Even South Africa which voted as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council for resolution 1973 is now a vociferous critic of the war, with President Jacob Zuma flat asserting that the resolution did not authorise regime change. Nigeria hasn't done much as the carnage unfolded. Like South Africa, it voted for resolution 1973 as a non-permanent member of the Security Council; but unlike South Africa, Nigeria's response to the humanitarian crisis has, unfortunately, been rather muted for a country that chairs the regional bloc ECOWAS and is seen as the leading champion of African causes.

At its recent meeting in Pretoria, the African Union's panel on Libya led by Zuma, called for a political settlement and a compromise between Gaddafi and the rebels of the Transitional National Council. Although Gaddafi has so far rejected the AU's calls for him to step down, the AU must not relent in pressing ahead with its road map for peace in Libya by continuing to call for a ceasefire and prevailing on Gaddafi to see reason and compromise. The ICC indictments have complicated the problem, but a way must be found the spare the Libyan people the trauma they face.

Protecting Libyans by taking all necessary measures doesn't preclude peaceful means of doing so, through a negotiated settlement. Both sides in the Libyan conflict should be persuaded to come to the negotiating table without preconditions.

Source: www.allafrica.com