Yet there was one candidate whose posters
did not pass through Colourprint's press: Jubilee Coalition candidate Uhuru
Kenyatta - an aggressive businessman, Kikuyu, International Criminal Court
indictee, son of Kenya's founding president, and now Kenya's president-elect.
On shaky ground
With Kenyatta slated to be Kenya's next
president, trying times may be ahead for the Asian community, which owns a
significant share of the country's major manufacturing industries. Kenya's Asian
community - predominantly made up of south Asians who worked on the railroads
and stayed to build retail businesses then larger industries, or came later to
join relatives - is an economic goliath in Kenya but a political piranha,
carefully nipping at all sides of the political field to serve their business
interests.
Estimated at around 100,000 strong,
Kenya's Asians have no unified voice in politics. And in a political climate
marked by ethnic competition, the Asian community has remained politically
irrelevant for decades, feeding themselves and the economy by building Kenya's
industrial backbone, creating stable industries and hedging their political bets
by working behind the scenes, buying power and influence with whomever is in
charge.
With another Kikuyu presidency, however,
there is cause for concern. "Another Kikuyu in power will be a big blow to the
Asian community", says Sudhir Vidyarthi, a Kenyan media mogul of Indian descent
and Colourprint's CEO. "It will only get worse. Corruption will increase [with]
more people will be getting their share."
The signs were already there under
outgoing president Mwai Kibaki. When Kibaki, also a Kikuyu, came to power in
2002, Asian companies in industries like printing stopped receiving government
tenders, according to several Asian businessmen. Instead, business went to
Kikuyu companies, or what Sudhir Vidyarthi calls "Briefcase Businessmen" -
typically Kikuyu middlemen who secure government contracts then quietly
subcontract to Asian businesses. These third party middlemen allegedly take a
cut and give kickbacks to their MP's or whomever they are working with.
"The Asian community is a minority in
numbers, but a majority in terms of economic power", says Zahid Ranjan, founder
of the Kenya Asian Form, and Editor of Awaaz Magazine, which focuses on east
Africa's Asian community. But, he warns, "the ground is already shifting. They
are sitting at a very precarious position."
Downtown Nairobi's River Road has seen a
host of small Kenyan printers open up, cutting into the industry, and Somalis
are beginning to overtake the Indians in the retail sector. Now, Kikuyu
businesses, once mostly dealing in land, banking, and agriculture, are finding
their way into industrial sectors too.
From partners to pariahs
There hasn't always been tension between
Asians and Kikuyus. In fact, in the years leading up to Kenya's independence,
Kenya's Indian community fought side by side with Kikuyus for Kenya's freedom.
In 1933, Sudhir's father, Girdhari Lal Vidyarthi, founded Colonial Printing
Works. The presses' flagship paper was "The Colonial Times", a prominent
newspaper that spearheaded the anti-colonial political writing of Kenya's
earliest freedom fighters like Tom Mboya and Jomo Kenyatta. Its motto was
"Frank, Free, and Fearless". The paper also fuelled the efforts of Indian-born
freedom fighters like Makhan Singh - who founded East African Trade Union
Congress, the first central organisation of trade unions in Kenya - and Pio Gama
Pinto, one of most active members of anti-colonial movement. Both individuals
played key roles in the independence movement, and eventually the Mau Mau
uprising. Under British rule in 1945, G.L. Vidyarthi was the first Kenyan ever
charged with Sedition, and served two years in prison with hard labour.
Yet on the eve of independence,
everything changed for the growing Indian community. Immediately after Jomo
Kenyatta's first post-colonial government came to power, "the movement got
betrayed", claims Rajan. Both Pio Gama Pinto and Tom Mboya were assassinated.
President Kenyatta warned Indians to stay out of politics, and disbanded the
Kenya Indian Congress. It was a period of grand 'Africanisation', and many
Indian business were forcibly taken over. "From then on, the voice of the Asian
community was driven underground", explains Rajan.
Mohinder Dhillon, 82, a world-renowned
Indian-born Kenyan cameraman, remembers the time clearly. He says that the
Indian community's part in the anti-colonial struggle was "a fight of
conscience", one which India had successfully overcome 17 years earlier. Yet
when Kenya's struggle was won, and Africanisation began, he felt broken. "I felt
disgusted, but we couldn't do anything about it", he says. He believes the
reason Indians were targeted was because they took money from where it hurt the
most - the poor. "They worked where they were noticeable, making them an easy
target when it came to Africanisation." And so the Asian community went silent.
They became insulated, creating a tight-knit community out of fear, and focused
on business interests.
Business is business
In the late 1970s, however, things began to change for the better for the Asian community when Daniel Arap Moi, who was part of the Kalenjin ethnic bloc, became president. Asian businesses moved up from retail to dominate major manufacturing in industries such as textiles and printing. "In being tolerable to Indians, Moi became the richest man in Kenya", recalls Dhillon. James Shikwati, a Kenyan economist and Director of the Inter Region Economic Network, agrees. "'Don't touch the Asians' was Moi's policy", he says, and it served Moi, and the Asians, well. Moi became Kenya's richest man.
There were a few hitches, however. When
Vidyarthi's company, Colourprint, was too critical of the Moi narrative in 1994,
the press was raided. Earlier, hired thugs attempted to burn the press down, but
only succeeded in burning their own car and fleeing. The car was later found to
be registered in the name of Moi's son.
Generally, however, although democracy
suffered and freedom of expression was stifled and beaten under the Moi regime,
for most of the Asian community, it didn't matter. Business was good.
Return of the Kikuyu presidents
Since the election of President Mwai
Kibaki, a Kikuyu, in 2002, however, things have changed in some ways but not in
others. The political space opened up, avenues for working politically have
improved, yet the Asian community remained silent. "It's a self-defeatist
community", Rajan admits, "they buy their way through politics, and do not get
involved at all". As had been the case since independence, the community stayed
away from politics and the community remains untied to the ethnic divisions that
run through the Kenyan system. Asians feared sticking their necks out too far
and the community's attitude remains 'AGIP' (any government in power), according
to Rajan - they vote on what's good for business and the economy.
But this year, there were signs of a shift. Asian leaders like Rajan were in full force on radio, in print, and at local meetings, encouraging their community to stick around and not leave, like many did last time, and exercise their right to vote. There was no unifying candidate for Asians in this election, but Asian big business money was essentially used tactically as insurance, funding both Kenyatta and his leading contender Raila Odinga.
Sudhir Vidyarthi estimates that the
community contributed tens of millions of dollars to various political
candidates during the campaigns - a number impossible to verify. Yet with
Kenyatta's recent win, the community fears it will nevertheless see their
business decline. "Kenyatta is more aggressive than Kibaki when it comes to
business", claims economist James Shikwati. Kenyatta is one of Kenya's richest
businessmen, controlling several industries like dairy, and his family owns land
equal to the whole of Nyanza Province. The Asian community "has every reason to
be scared", he says. He says it's certainly possible for Kenyatta to set up
parallel companies to run Asians out of business, if he wanted to.
And while Rajan and others in the Kenya
Asian Forum are encouraging the Asian community to become more involved in
politics, Shikwati believes that their plan could backfire. "They could become
the 43rd tribe that no one wants", he says. The Asian vote would never a
decisive one, and even the Asian youth haven't changed much, continuing to
organise within rather than outside their community.
Treading carefully
Although their money speaks louder than
ballots, if they lose business, Asians lose their might. India is now Kenya's
largest import market, and India has given an essentially "silent guarantee" to
help it's diaspora in Africa. But that doesn't mean things couldn't change in
the next few years.
Kenyatta's reported ties to the other
Asian power - China - could see a shift in the balance of economic influence.
And if Kenyatta is convicted by the International Criminal Court, possible
Western sanctions could open up greater opportunities for Chinese businesses,
which tend to overlook sanctions for human rights violations.
Whichever way things go, the Asian
community is stepping carefully. Their interests are secured, for now, but it
may not be that way forever. "We've been pushing the community for 20 years,
saying that your economic power will not last forever - you need to safeguard
your rights and be a part of the political process", says Rajan. "It's only a
matter of time until their entire identity will be questioned."
Source:
www.allafrica.com
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